Colombia signed a new and final peace deal with the biggest rebel group in the country last month. In around 30 days of meetings with the Colombian president, different groups of the society had the opportunity to express their concerns on the content of the original agreement. Victims abroad, however, were left out of the debate.

The rejection of October’s referendum by Colombian voters to end 50 years of a civil war with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) by a slim margin left a deeply polarized society. The victims were quickly portrayed as the big losers as the opportunity of reaching a promised stable and long lasting peace seemed to vanish with the result.

But victims abroad saw it as an opportunity to improve the peace agreement, in the midst of a violence that for them has not ceased, and seek the justice that could heal a deep pain.

Mario Torres is one of thousands of victims of the armed conflict that are estimated to live abroad.

Of approximately 500,000 victims abroad, according to international NGOs figures, only 3,700 victims in exile (less than 1 percent) have been included in the Unique Victims Register (UVR), from around 6,000 requests. This state’s register compiles information from the testimonies of the victims, but only those whose registration requests are accepted can receive reparations.

He was a political activist back home in Palmira, a municipality in southwestern Colombia in the Valle del Cauca department, hard hit by the decades-long armed conflict. He says that there is no peace without justice.

His 70-year-old mother, two uncles, one brother and three cousins were killed by the 6th front of the FARC – the biggest rebel group in the country. He says that the State offers money, as an “award” for the victims that say they forgive, but he claims that there is no money that can compensate for his loss.

“The life of my mother isn’t worth $20, $100, $1,000 [million pesos],” says Torres. “What I want is justice!”


Mario Torres. Union City, New Jersey. October 25, 2016

Torre’s mother was killed with five gunshots in reprisal for his work and the work of his brother, a police inspector pursuing the FARC. Torres reported the FARC’s crimes as well as those of the paramilitaries of the United Self-Defence Forces of Colombia (AUC). Mario became a military target for both sides and so had to leave the country 14 years ago.

He was granted political asylum in the U.S.

During the negotiations, justice was one the most contentious points on the agenda, with the FARC claiming that they would not serve a single day in jail.

After a year of discussions, one of the results was the creation of the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP, for its initials in Spanish). It is a transitional justice mechanism, which will investigate and try human rights abuses and violations of international humanitarian law committed in the context of the armed conflict. Its goal is to ensure truth, justice and reparations for the victims of the conflict and guarantee the non-repetition.

But victims abroad believe that the alternative sanctions and reduced sentences still present in the amended agreement – between five to eight years, with a restorative dimension for perpetrators who acknowledge their responsibility – are not a fair punishment for the crimes they perpetrated.

“They have to pay for their crimes,” says Yebrail Pineda based in New York, a human rights activist for almost 10 years and who opposed the peace deal. “They have committed massacres, torture, outrageous things. They can’t be allowed to stay out of prison and leave the crimes unpunished.”

Yebrail Pineda. Manhattan, New York. September 13, 2016.

Pineda was president of the organization Monteria Diversa, a non-profit organization that advocates for the rights of the LGBTI community in the city of Monteria, in northern Colombia; a place that has also witnessed the horrors of the war. He was also a land rights activist and fought for comprehensive reparations for the victims.

Like Torres, Pineda had to leave the country to protect his life. He arrived in New York on May 2014 on a tourist visa and is applying for political asylum.

“What did we, Colombians, achieve with this agreement?” Santos asked in the Thursday’s signing ceremony in Colombia’s capital city Bogota, in front of more than 800 attendees. “We achieved (…) that those who lost their lands, who had to leave everything behind to protect their lives can come back and recover them,” he stated.

Despite the encouraging message from Santos to the victims of forced displacement, returning to Colombia is not a realistic option say the victims who fled violence in the country. They say there are not security guarantees to return to their lands because the FARC and other armed actors are still present in the areas where they used to live.

“Many people who were given back their lands don’t want to return,” says Pineda. “Because they go, but because those lands are important for something [drug trafficking], they are displaced again.”

Land restitution – another way to compensate the victims besides monetary compensation – has fell short of the government’s goals.

“[In 2011] the government estimated that more than 150,000 land restitution cases would be settled by the end of 2015, but as of November, the government had obtained rulings in just 2,983 of the nearly 85,000 claims it had received,” according to a 2016 Human Rights report.

Land restitution is one of the most difficult things to implement at the end of any conflict and Colombia expected to do it in the middle of the war, according to Gimena Sanchez, an expert on internally displaced persons and human rights advocate at the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA).

Colombia has the largest number of internally displaced people, followed by Syria, with more than 6.9 million Colombians displaced since 1985, according to the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

“In most of the cases, the majority of the displaced people can’t return to their lands,” says Sanchez. “The number is always very small. The only case where there was a substantial number of returns was in Bosnia and Herzegovina and it was possible because a special mission was put in place,” she says.

The victims were for the first time at the center of a peace deal. Their participation in the 2014 negotiating table in Havana, Cuba, was unprecedented and with the Victims’ Law, enacted by Colombian president Juan Manuel Santos in 2011, the government officially recognized the existence of an internal armed conflict, the victims, and their right to compensation.

Yet, victims abroad were underrepresented in the table.

In a constant effort to give visibility to the victims abroad, Ana Paola Agudelo, Congress representative of the Colombians living overseas, requested to have a spokesperson of the victims in exile in the negotiating table in Havana. Only one victim – Juan Carlos Villamizar – of the 60 who went to Havana in 2014 to contribute to the talks, was representing the victims abroad.


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